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Students for Concealed Carry Denounces Mock Mass Shooting Planned for UT-Austin Campus

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AUSTIN, TX – Often, the hardest thing about fighting for licensed concealed carry on Texas college campuses is undoing the damage done by the small subset of gun rights activists who believe that theatricality and intimidation are adequate stand-ins for rational discourse and fact-based arguments. Case in point: the open carry activists who plan to stage an open carry march and mock mass shooting on the campus of the University of Texas at Austin.

Antonia Okafor, Southwest regional director for Students for Concealed Carry, commented, “I’m astounded that eighteen months after most of the state’s open carry groups figured out that carrying rifles and shotguns into restaurants and grocery stores isn’t a solid public-relations strategy, one such group apparently thinks that introducing openly carried long guns, fake blood, and the sound of gunshots into a university community that is highly uncertain about the new campus carry law and understandably concerned about recent high-profile mass shootings is a smart idea.”

When SCC held its first empty holster protest in 2007, the organization instructed participants to provide advance notice to campus security and school administrators (using a provided form letter) and gave participants a list of six steps they could take (e.g., never placing anything inside a protest holster) to avoid even the slightest chance of alarming someone or causing confusion over the intent of the protest. The groups Come and Take It and DontComply.com, on the other hand, seem to be going out of their way to invite fear and confusion with their planned protest.

Retired SCC Director of Public Relations Wes Lewis, who served on SCC’s original board of directors and helped plan the first empty holster protest, remarked, “Some of these so-called gun rights groups seem to be little more than anarchists cloaking their antics in the legitimacy of the Second Amendment. Whoever and whatever they are, they need a remedial course in how to win friends and influence people.”

Responding to the suggestion that this type of public protest is why open carry legislation finally passed in 2015, Lewis added, “Anyone who credits these in-your-face protests with the passage of open carry legislation is choosing to ignore the two 800-pound gorillas in the room—this past [legislative] session was the first time the NRA made open carry a priority and the first time gun rights advocates in the Texas Legislature weren’t hamstrung by the Senate’s old two-thirds rule.”
Asked what, if anything, this type of protest has accomplished, Lewis replied, “If anything, I’d say these antics are responsible for making gun rights a much more partisan issue in the Texas Capitol. When [SCC] lobbied for campus carry in 2009, we enjoyed the support of several high-profile Democrats. Now, thanks in part to the public backlash caused by certain open carry groups, most Democrats wouldn’t touch a gun rights bill with a ten-foot pole.”

Double Standard for Public and Private Colleges Extends Far Beyond Campus Carry

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AUSTIN, TX – Allowing only private colleges to opt out of Texas’ new campus carry law may be a double standard, but it’s the same double standard that always exists between the custodians of public property and the owners of private property.

During the December 6 episode of Inside Texas Politics on WFAA—ABC’s Dallas-Fort Worth affiliate—Fort Worth Star-Telegram columnist Bud Kennedy commented, “Let’s talk about why private campuses opt out [of campus carry]. I mean, [Senator] Brian Birdwell carried the bill. The biggest employer in his district is Baylor University, so I think we know why private universities [can opt out].”

That statement ignores the fact that the language allowing private colleges to opt out originated in campus carry legislation authored by former Texas Senator Jeff Wentworth (R-San Antonio), whose district encompassed the state’s fifth-largest public university but no large private universities.

Long before Senator Birdwell or even the NRA got involved with the issue of campus carry, Students for Concealed Carry publicly endorsed the idea that private colleges, like all private property owners, should be allowed to regulate what is and isn’t allowed under their roof(s). The ability of private colleges to operate free of many of the restrictions placed on public colleges is fundamental to the existence of private colleges. When you consider that private colleges have wide latitude to require church attendance, enforce morality codes, and place restrictions on students’ freedom of speech, it makes sense that those same institutions would be allowed to restrict the rights of concealed handgun license holders on campus. There is nothing unethical or unusual about allowing private property owners to set their own policies but requiring state-funded colleges to honor state-issued licenses.

SCC has long suspected that most if not all private colleges would initially opt out of any campus carry law passed by the Texas Legislature. If private colleges were willing to allow campus carry, at least a few surely would have exercised their authority, under the previous law, to create written policies allowing campus carry. SCC’s hope is that once the administrators of private colleges see campus carry safely and successfully implemented on public college campuses, they’ll reconsider the wisdom of denying trained, carefully screened adults the same measure of personal protection those licensed holders are already allowed virtually everywhere else.

During the same roundtable discussion in which Bud Kennedy made the aforementioned statement, Ross Ramsey—executive editor and co-founder of the Texas Tribune—stated, “I think [mass shootings like we saw in San Bernardino and Colorado Springs] make the decisions [private colleges] have already made [to opt out] more defensible.”

Ramsey insinuates, without any factual basis, that allowing licensed concealed carry places a location at greater risk of an active-shooter massacre. Such an insinuation ignores the fact that Texas concealed handgun license holders commit violent crimes at approximately 1/5 the rate of the general population, that the vast majority of studies on licensed concealed carry have concluded that it cannot be shown to lead to an increase in violent crime, that almost all public active-shooter massacres are premeditated, carefully planned attacks (not the spontaneous act of someone who happens to be carrying a gun at that time), and that most public active-shooter massacres occur in locations where licensed concealed carry is not an option generally available to law-abiding citizens.

When commenting on Texas’ new campus carry law, too many editorialists/columnist are content to rely on preconceived notions and decades-old prejudices rather than in-depth analysis of the facts. However, the facts are readily available for anyone who cares to look.

In the Media, Opponents of Campus Carry Seek Low-Hanging Fruit

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AUSTIN, TX – When opponents of campus carry start a sentence with “Supporters of campus carry claim,” what they typically mean is, “Someone peripherally related to the issue said something easily dismissed as inaccurate, irrational, or offensive.”

In the December 2 edition of the Houston Chronicle, columnist Lisa Falkenberg criticizes the rhetoric of campus carry supporters, writing, “C.J. Grisham, a prominent open carry activist-cum state Senate candidate, accused the private schools [that have opted out of campus carry] of jumping on a ‘bandwagon of ignorance.’ He added in an interview with the Chronicle’s Benjamin Wermund: ‘If they want their students to be victims, they have every right to let their students be victims.'”

If Falkenberg was looking for a quote to illustrate the position of campus carry activists, why did she choose one from the former president of an open carry organization rather than one from the college-based, campus-carry-specific organization responsible for virtually every pro-campus carry op-ed and press release penned during the now eight-and-a-half-year-long battle over licensed concealed carry on Texas college campuses? C.J. Grisham isn’t an elected official or the nominee of a political party; he’s a primary candidate associated with a tangentially related gun-rights issue. So why was his quote chosen to represent the pro-campus carry side of the debate? It was chosen because it fits Lisa Falkenberg’s predetermined narrative.

Although the thesis of Falkenberg’s opinion piece is that students’ measured discourse over campus carry should be an example for politicians, the statement from Grisham is the only time her 1,066-word column quotes anyone on the pro-campus carry side of the debate. Instead, she quickly abandons the pretense that her column is about student discourse and, instead, dedicates the bulk of her word count to making a case against campus carry.

Houston Chronicle Features Pro-Campus Op-Ed

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The same pro-campus carry op-ed that the editor of the UT-Austin student newspaper rejected with the claim that it “cannot be published…by a newspapers [sic]” is featured in this past Sunday’s edition of the ‘Houston Chronicle.’

You can read the full op-ed (by Allison Peregory, SCC’s campus leader at UT-Austin) here.

For those of you who might be curious, the Sunday edition of the ‘Houston Chronicle’ is the nation’s third most read Sunday paper and, counting Sunday editions separately from weekly papers, has the sixth-highest one-day readership of any U.S. paper.

None of the national circulation charts list the ‘Daily Texan,’ so it’s difficult to ascertain how the student paper at the University of Texas at Austin compares in overall readership. However, we’re fairly certain that Editor-in-Chief Claire Smith’s unabashed bias against campus carry ultimately worked in our favor.

If you’re also interested in reading SCC’s rebuttal to the anti-campus carry op-ed that ran as a counterpoint to Allison’s piece, that rebuttal is available here.

Before Saying Another Word About Campus Carry, Opponents Need to Read Texas’ Gun Laws

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AUSTIN, TX – In an op-ed published in the Sunday, November 22 edition of the Houston Chronicle, UT-Austin senior Mac McCann argues, “Because of reciprocity agreements with 39 states, CHL holders from other states (like Alabama, where 18-year-olds can get a license) could carry in UT buildings as well”; however, had Mr. McCann bothered to read Texas’ reciprocity agreement with Alabama, he would have seen that it very clearly states that Alabama license holders must “comply with all laws, rules, and regulations of the State of Texas governing concealed carry,including age restrictions [emphasis added].”

In his opening line, Mr. McCann states, “Texas Senate Bill 11 will provide zero benefits, undermine the UT community’s right to self-govern, and will create (and already has created) a climate of fear.” Students for Concealed Carry obviously disagrees that allowing trained, licensed, carefully screened adults (age 21 and above) the same measure of personal protection in college buildings that they already enjoy virtually everywhere else equates to “zero benefit,” and we contend that any “climate of fear” on the UT-Austin campus was brought there by the fear mongers who insist on portraying campus carry as something more than an extension of a law already in place throughout the rest of Texas.

As for the suggestion that the University of Texas at Austin has a right to self-govern, the Texas Legislature has, for at least three decades, made it abundantly clear that any right to self-govern (aka the right of “local control”) does not extend to governance of firearms.  The state’s thirty-year-old firearm-ordinance preemption law was passed by a Democratic legislature and has been repeatedly (2007, 2011, 2013, 2013, 2015) strengthened by Republican legislatures. Since 2003, Section 30.06(e) of the Texas Penal Code has invalidated any concealed-carry-prohibited sign posted by a governmental entity to a location where concealed carry is not statutorily prohibited under Section 46.03 or 46.035 of the Penal Code. The Texas Legislature—first under Democratic control and then under Republican control—has consistently voted against local control of firearms; therefore, to suggest that colleges and universities have a right to “self-govern” guns is to suggest that they are entitled to a measure of control not afforded to counties, municipalities, or any other state institution.

Mr. McCann goes on to make numerous other dubious arguments, such as pointing out that there are few violent crimes on college campuses (rebutted here), claiming (without any factual basis) that “multiple [Umpqua Community College] students on campus that day did actually have concealed handguns on them at the time of the shooting” (rebutted here), arguing that campus carry will require Texas universities to expend tens of millions of dollars (rebutted here, here, and here), claiming that CHL holders are likely to get shot by police during an active-shooter situation (rebutted here and here), suggesting that it’s unfair to give more control to private universities than to public universities (rebutted here), arguing that campus carry will “[limit] dialogue within classrooms” (rebutted here), and claiming that campus carry has already caused one UT professor to resign (rebutted here).

Mac McCann, like most of UT-Austin’s anti-campus carry activists, speaks from a position grounded not in reality but in a perceived reality. Like Gun Free UT, he’s so convinced of the inherent rightness of his position that he can’t be bothered with facts or logic. The campus carry opponents at the University of Texas aren’t “armed with reason“; they’re armed with fear, prejudice, and conventional wisdom masquerading as reason.

Okafor: Rhetoric About Effects of Campus Carry on Minorities Misplaced

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By Antonia Okafor – Special to the American-Statesman

Antonia

In a desperate final bid to halt the implementation of Texas’ new campus carry law, the University of Texas professors behind Gun Free UT are feverishly trying to bury the issue beneath a mountain of racially divisive rhetoric.

On Oct. 29, Gun Free UT released a statement from UT-Austin’s Department of African Diaspora Studies, arguing, “African Americans are disproportionately affected by the saturation of our society by firearms,” and concluding, “[We] demand that firearms be banned in all spaces occupied by Black people on our campus.”

On Nov. 10, Gun Free UT issued a mission statement/legal strategy declaring: “America has all along been about the sheer display of white male power (with guns): over Indians, over slaves, over females, over Mexicans, over Asians, over African Americans, and over Arabs, now [sic] The return of the vigilante movement is a giant, collective white push back against the Civil Rights Movement and against the unintended consequences of globalization, migration, and demography…This is a battle over our individual right to determine the nature of the community of trust within our classroom, well established by constitutional law. This right has now been challenged, assaulted by a toxic ideology of white racism and libertarianism.”

As a black woman and a graduate student at UT-Dallas, I have no interest in displaying white male power to slaves, women, African-Americans, or anyone else, and I’m certainly not interested in pushing back against the Civil Rights Movement or promoting an ideology of white racism. I am, however, interested in being able to defend myself should the need arise.

READ THE REST AT STATESMAN.COM.

Read the Gun Free UT manifesto here.

Gun Free UT’s Claims About CHL Holders and Mass Shootings Don’t Stand Up to Scrutiny

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AUSTIN, TX – The anti-campus carry professors behind Gun Free UT love to cite statistics suggesting that a concealed handgun license (CHL) holder is more likely to commit a mass shooting than to stop one; however, Gun Free UT’s statistics—which are never offered with any type of context—are at best misleading and at worst untrue.

Gun Free UT likes to claim that concealed handgun license holders have committed twenty-nine mass shootings since 2007; however, an examination of those twenty-nine incidents reveals twenty-six in which licensed concealed carry played no part whatsoever, two in which it is highly unlikely that licensed concealed carry played any part, and one in which licensed concealed carry very well may have played a part. The one incident in which licensed concealed carry may have played a part resulted in only three murders (the minimum to qualify as a “mass killing”), took place during a confrontation at the home of the perpetrator’s ex-wife, and involved a perpetrator who should have been ineligible to own a gun, much less obtain a concealed handgun license, but still received a Pennsylvania license due to an error in the criminal database.

Gun Free UT points out that one CHL holder was paralyzed while attempting to intervene in a mass shooting; however, the group fails to include the context that this incident took place in a state with no training requirement for license applicants and that the license holder broke one of the first rules of licensed concealed carry—he inserted himself into a crime that did not already involve him. When he reached the gunman, he chose to issue a warning rather than open fire, which gave the gunman time to turn and shoot.

Anti-Campus Carry Professors Take a Decidedly Unacademic Approach to Activism

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gfut_edited_shirtAUSTIN, TX – For a group ostensibly founded and run by professional researchers, Gun Free UT makes numerous claims that wouldn’t pass peer review. While much of the organization’s literature and talking points are just plain ridiculous—for example, a statement from the Warfield Center for African and African American studies, declaring, “[W]e demand that firearms be banned in all spaces occupied by Black people on our campus”—others are factually and statistically indefensible.
There is no disputing the fact that Texas concealed handgun license (CHL) holders are convicted of violent crimes at approximately 1/5 the rate of the general population. However, Gun Free UT claims, “Conviction rates are unreliable, because CHL holders tend to escape prosecution.” The group’s only source for this claim is a link to an article titled “Why Americans Don’t Treat Fatal Gun Negligence as a Crime”—an article that neither explicitly nor implicitly makes the claim in question. Instead, the article is about America’s reluctance to convict individuals responsible for fatal gun accidents. Nothing in the article suggests that America’s unwillingness to convict for negligent shooting deaths is more applicable to CHL holders than to the general population; therefore, Gun Free UT’s claim is completely without merit.

Campus Carry Opponents Aren’t Afraid to Have Heated Debates Outside “Gun-Free” Zones

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AUSTIN, TX – The same organization that claims campus carry will “put a chill on public debate” and “intimidate faculty from tackling controversial issues” will once again hold an anti-campus carry rally in an area of the University of Texas at Austin campus where the licensed concealed carry of handguns is already legal. This is the fourth such rally since April 28 to take place in an area of the UT-Austin campus where the possession of firearms is legal.
The rally, sponsored by the group Gun Free UT, is scheduled to take place at 12 PM Tuesday, November 10, in the west mall rally space on the UT-Austin campus. Because Texas law does not classify the publicly accessible outdoor areas of a college campus (e.g., UT-Austin’s west mall rally space) as part of the “premises” of the college, and because this event is not sponsored by the university, nothing in the Texas Penal Code prohibits a concealed handgun license (CHL) holder from carrying a concealed handgun at the rally.

Antonia Okafor, Southwest regional director for Students for Concealed Carry (SCC), asked,

“If these faculty and students aren’t afraid to directly challenge concealed handgun license holders at a rally where license holders can carry guns, why should we believe that students or faculty will be afraid to discuss controversial issues in a classroom where license holders can carry guns? For that matter, why should students or faculty be more concerned about speaking their minds in a classroom where a license holder might be carrying a gun legally than in a classroom where a criminal or lunatic might be carrying a gun illegally?”

After Texas Senate Bill 11 (the campus carry law) takes effect on August 1, 2016, the firearm restrictions in campus buildings will still be much more stringent than are the current firearm restrictions in UT-Austin’s west mall rally space. Under the campus carry law, only trained, licensed, carefully screened adults (age 21 or above) will be allowed to carry concealed handguns in campus buildings. Under the current law, any non-felon over the age of 18 may lawfully possess a long gun (rifle or shotgun) in the publicly accessible outdoor areas of campus. Okafor noted,

“At this rally, an eighteen-year-old who has undergone no training, vetting, or licensing could legally have an AK-47 with a folding stock stuffed inside his backpack, yet members of Gun Free UT are more than willing to stand in front of the crowd and discuss one of the most controversial topics to affect college campuses in the past decade.”

This isn’t the only way in which the rhetoric of Gun Free UT conflicts with the reality of campus carry. The group also claims that campus carry will lead to an increase in student suicides, despite the fact that 90% of suicides occur in the victim’s home while 95% of UT-Austin students over the age of 21 live off campus, the fact that CHL holders are already allowed to store handguns in their cars parked on campus, and the fact that more than 150 U.S. college campuses have allowed campus carry for an average of more than five years (a combined total of more than 1,500 semesters) without a single resulting suicide, suicide attempt, homicide, assault, sexual assault, or accidental death.

When it comes to polling data and scientific studies, Gun Free UT repeatedly ignores the preponderance of data, which conflict with their position, and cites outliers that support their position. They ignore two impartial University of Texas/Texas Tribune polls that found more Texans in favor of campus carry than opposed to it and, instead, cite a gun-control group’s internal poll that claims the opposite. They ignore the vast majority of peer-reviewed studies (including a2015 study from Texas A&M University) showing that licensed concealed carry cannot be shown to lead to an increase in violent crime and, instead, cite one of the only studies to find the opposite.

Okafor concluded,

“If anything reflects poorly on Texas universities, it’s not the state’s new campus carry law; it’s the poor reasoning skills demonstrated by the academics who oppose it.”

 

Armed Citizens and the 1966 University of Texas Sniper Attack

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The August 1, 1966, sniper attack at the University of Texas at Austin bears little resemblance to more-recent campus shooting sprees (e.g., Virginia Tech and Umpqua Community College). Rather than walking from classroom to classroom, executing victims, the shooter used a scoped rifle to pick off victims from an elevated position. Police officers on the ground quickly realized that their handguns were of little use against a sniper barricaded in a tower.

Of all the college massacres that have occurred in the U.S., the UT tower shooting is among the least relevant to the current debate over legalizing the licensed concealed carry of handguns on college campuses, aka “campus carry.” However, anti-campus carry advocates are now twisting one element of this tragedy, trying to use it as evidence that more guns invariably equal more problems.

Within the past year, anti-campus carry activists have begun claiming that the citizens who used hunting rifles to return fire at the UT sniper prevented first responders from reaching wounded victims on the ground. This claim, which seems to have first appeared more than 48 years after the shooting, comes from Claire Wilson James, the first person shot during the attack. Last February, James testified before the Texas Senate Committee on State Affairs, in opposition to Texas’s then-pending campus carry legislation. During her testimony, she made the now widely repeated claim that armed citizens impeded her rescue.

In an interview conducted a few weeks after the Senate committee hearing, James said, “I’ve heard from the police that stopped [the shooter] that day that [the armed citizens] actually made the situation more dangerous and put the people who were trying to save us at risk.”

This claim doesn’t show up in other accounts of the incident, and the same interview includes some rather bizarre statements from James. She says, “We need to have a universal background check before someone can carry a concealed weapon”; however, in reality, an applicant for a Texas concealed handgun license undergoes state and FBI fingerprint and background checks that far exceed any proposed universal background check system. She also says, “[The shooter] aimed for the chest of his victims … to kill them, but he aimed at my stomach” (James was eight months pregnant at the time; her baby did not survive); however, the shooter, who shot James from an elevated position while she was moving, was killed in the standoff and never had a chance to tell anyone where he was aiming.

James’s claim that the armed citizens impeded first responders is contradicted by other eyewitnesses (including Ramiro Martinez, one of the three police officers who, along with an armed citizen, stormed the tower) who credit the armed citizens with preventing greater loss of life.

One of the most comprehensive collections of eyewitness testimony on the UT sniper attack is “96 Minutes,” a 2006 ‘Texas Monthly’ article by Pamela Colloff. In the article, Colloff shares the accounts of numerous eyewitnesses, including James. If James said anything to Colloff about the armed citizens impeding her rescue, Colloff–who dedicates several paragraphs to eyewitness accounts of the armed citizens–neglected to include it in the article.

Colloff does, however, include this quote from Bill Helmer,  a writer who was a graduate student at UT-Austin when he witnessed the shooting: “I remember thinking, ‘All we need is a bunch of idiots running around with rifles.’ But what they did turned out to be brilliant. Once [the sniper] could no longer lean over the edge and fire, he was much more limited in what he could do. He had to shoot through those drain spouts, or he had to pop up real fast and then dive down again. That’s why he did most of his damage in the first twenty minutes.”

Claire Wilson James’s story, like the stories of the other victims from that day, is tragic. The story of hunters stepping up to assist an outgunned police force (at that time, Austin had no SWAT team, and officers did not routinely carry rifles in their squad cars) is an intriguing historical footnote. However, neither the tragedy that befell James nor the actions of the armed citizens who tried to stop the shooter has much to do with a law allowing the licensed concealed carry of handguns on Texas college campuses.

Whereas the UT sniper attack lasted 96 minutes, a typical shootout (the kind not involving an assailant firing from a highly elevated, fortified position hundreds of yards away) lasts only three to ten seconds. Whereas one witness to the sniper attack recalled, “It seemed like every other guy had a rifle,” Texas Department of Public Safety statistics  suggest that the rate of concealed handgun licensure among Texas college students is less than 1%. Unlike the armed citizens who rushed toward the UT tower, Texas CHL holders are taught to move away from danger and avoid interfering in any incident that doesn’t already involve them. Although the armed citizens who responded to the UT sniper attack were free to rush about campus with their rifles on full display, Texas’s new campus carry law will requires CHL holders to keep their handguns concealed until and unless they encounter an immediate threat (the sound of gunshots in the distance does not constitute an immediate threat).

Given that Claire Wilson James’s account seems to be the only eyewitness account suggesting that armed citizens impeded the rescue of victims, and given that James apparently didn’t begin making this claim until the Texas Legislature began considering campus carry legislation, the claim seems dubious at best. And given that the UT sniper attack was not the type of attack against which a CHL holder might easily make a difference and that the armed citizens who responded with rifles were not CHL holders (Texas didn’t begin issuing CHLs until 1996) and had likely never received instruction in how to handle such a situation, this incident is a very poor indicator of how campus carry might impact a campus shooting.